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Their initial intervention could be attributed to conformity or obedience, when family members, a church congregation, a Resistance leader, or a priest asked them to join in a rescue effort. In some cases, they followed the same foot-in-the-door technique of involvement as had the murderers whom they were trying to frustrate: starting with small acts of kindness and moving on to greater and greater commitment.
As shown by research on both helping behavior and resistance to demands for aggressive behaviour, personal appeals by potential victims were powerful motivators for offering help. So was a perception that the person in need of help was similar to oneself. Victims and Survivors I'm using the word "victim" to identify the persecuted, whether or not they eventually survived.
For a representative sample of the "victim" group, the study would have to be done while the persecution is going on, obviously not a likely event.
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Thus, most research on victims is really autobiography. Some of it is anecdotal, recounting episodes of selfishness and self-sacrifice, or presenting only historical accounts of life and death in a particular camp. Among the few systematic projects are the works of people like Bruno Bettelheim and Victor Frankl, who observed their own behaviour and that of their fellow inmates and published their conclusions after liberation. Analyses of this sort have had mixed results. Bettelheim mostly disparaged other inmates, highlighting, for example, regression to childish behaviour patterns; "Muselmanism", a state of complete passivity and apathy that usually led to the rapid death of the prisoner; and identification with the aggressor, Anna Freud's concept that Bettelheim applied to inmates who acted like guards, abused other prisoners, wore bits of cast-off SS uniform, and so on.
Bettelheim's analyses of concentration camp life have been criticized on the basis of his limited experience, unwarranted generalizations, and self-enhancing bias. Frankl, on the other hand, emphasized how dedication to the goal of understanding enabled him to distance himself from his suffering, to adopt a dispassionate perspective, and after the war to develop a school of existential therapy focusing on the search for meaning. It is noteworthy that Aaron Antonovsky's concept of the characteristics that enhance survival under difficult conditions, published some 20 years later, focuses on the Sense of Coherence: finding meaning in what is happening and seeing how it fits into the rest of one's life.
In contrast to the limited research on victims, psychiatric and psychological studies of Holocaust survivors are legion: almost in Krell and Sherman's bibliography, which deals only with former concentration camp inmates. Until fairly recently, the focus has been clinical, concentrating on pathological outcomes.
Among common beliefs is the universality of severe "survivor guilt", supposedly purely because of having lived whereas others had died. A combination of other long-term symptoms was labeled "survivor syndrome," "persecution syndrome", or - most frequently -- "concentration camp syndrome" [also known as "KZ syndrome" from the German abbreviation for Konzentrationslager].
It included chronic diffuse anger and anxiety, sleep disturbances, anhedonia, flashbacks, hypervigilance, depression, psychosomatic and sexual dysfunctions, flashbacks and intrusive thoughts, inability to establish close emotional ties with others -- all of the patterns now more generally subsumed under the term Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. For the first few decades after the end of the war, few professionals doubted that survivors, especially those who had been in the death camps, had lost all chances for a normal or even a tolerable life.
A mental health professional, called in to assess children liberated from Buchenwald, predicted that none would ever be able to function in society: given the irreversible effects of early childhood experience, they were psychologically crippled forever. Many studies were based on clinical interviews, and explored the precise configuration of symptoms presented by the survivor patients. Eventually, the circle of interest expanded to include the children of survivor parents the so-called Second Generation and, in the past few years, their grandchildren the Third Generation.
The almost exclusive focus on pathology is beginning to change in response to empirical studies presenting contrary evidence. There is no doubt that there are survivors, and survivors' offspring, who are troubled and whose adjustment to life is marked by difficulties and disruptions. But the severity of these symptoms differs widely from person to person and from time to time; and a high proportion of survivors shows no serious afflictions of this sort at all.
The occasional nightmare or episode of irritability is not outside the boundaries of normal experience, nor does it interfere with work, family, or recreation. Such findings have contributed to the growing re-orientation of psychology toward studying such positive human traits and reactions as resilience, hardiness, effectance, and coping. Jerome Kagan and other developmental psychologists have refuted the old axiom that early childhood experience is the supreme determinant of adult personality. Children who survived the Holocaust provide compelling evidence for rejecting the traditional view.
Youngsters who lived among massive violence, knew they could be its targets, were deprived of family support, food, shelter, adequate clothing, medical care - whose exposure to wounds and death was not via TV shows or video games - nevertheless mostly grew up to be normal and productive. For the most part, they healed themselves. Incidentally, the group of irretrievably damaged Buchenwald children I mentioned earlier now includes among other outstanding citizens Robert Waisman, a respected businessman and philanthropist in Vancouver; Meir Lau, the Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi of Israel; and Nobel laureate Elie Wiesel.
And current research indicates no more psychopathology among the Second Generation than among other people of the same age - unless one infers it from casual observations that they seem disproportionately represented in the helping professions, especially medicine, psychology, and social work. In my own studies, we have discovered that a lower percentage of Holocaust survivors than of a North American comparison group had ever felt the need to consult a mental health professional.
Survivors were successful at resolving psychosocial crises such as those outlined by Erikson. They are fairly content with their life; somewhat less so than the comparison group, but around the moderate portion of our scales. Their outlook on life and their attitudes about the world are essentially indistinguishable from those of the comparison group.
Among the few significant differences we have found is that survivors tend to trust people less, ascribe people's outcomes more to luck and chance than to personal control, and have a higher sense of self-worth. Our quantitative research findings, which I have outlined in my Hebb Award presentation, are well in line with those of other recent investigators who have used qualitative methods.
The recognition of the hardiness and resilience of this group, part of what is becoming a change in the psychological world view, emphasizing the strengths and positive characteristics of human beings, should spark two further research efforts. One should be to pinpoint just how the coping and adaptation process functions. For example, almost all of the survivors ever studied had emigrated from their original homelands, and there is evidence that their country of resettlement is an important variable in adjustment.
But, although anecdotal accounts indicate that they are eager to assimilate when they arrive, it would be interesting to use John Berry's model to study how they relate to the new culture and also in how their relationship to the host culture may have changed as they aged. Second, of course, it is important to compare this group with survivors and refugees from more recent persecutions. Holocaust survivors have had more than fifty years to reflect upon and make sense of their experiences; would studying that process help us to predict the life-span development of Southeast Asian Boat People, Tibetans, Tutsis, Somalis, Bosnians, Kosovars, and other post-traumatic immigrants to the West?
Some research on Vietnamese and Laotian refugees, who have now been settled in Canada for a dozen years or so, shows similarities in their ability to adapt successfully; but a wider and continuing research effort is needed. Psychological Interventions Psychology is a profession, not only a science; and there is a place for psychologists in solving the practical problems posed by ethnopolitical persecution. Here, the Holocaust is relevant mostly as a demonstration of what was not done then, but should be tried now; the CPA-APA Initiative is engaged in facilitating this process.
At this point, we are pursuing two paths: 1 Many of our colleagues are involved in improving and applying the techniques of nonviolent conflict resolution. Just as one example, Herbert Kelman, a distinguished social psychologist and himself a refugee from the Nazis, has long been involved in conducting discussion workshops between Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs, teaching the techniques of peaceful negotiation: understanding the other side's point of view and their emotional arousal cues, identifying areas of agreement and common interests as well as rivalry.
Among Canadian colleagues, Ronald Fisher is pursuing similar work. Additional promising strategies can be based on the ideas of Gordon Allport, Elliot Aronson, Mark Zanna, and other colleagues - for example, about the conditions under which equal-status pursuit of superordinate goals is likely to reduce ethnic prejudice. It may be that psychological expertise cannot prevent genocide - after all, psychiatrists have been prominent in both the Nazi and the present-day Serbian "ethnic cleansing". But if even one person with an appreciation of peaceful techniques reaches high office, or if even one turns from a potential perpetrator to a rescuer, the effort is justified.
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We have seen our Canadian colleagues step in with counseling and therapy for survivors of natural as well as man-made catastrophes: fires, floods, air crashes, and many less publicized tragedies. Jane Mocellin is even now moving among refugee camps for the UN, improving the delivery of such services in areas of ethnopolitical war. One goal of the CPA-APA Initiative is to strengthen psychology in bringing this expertise to bear on the widespread upheaval of ethnopolitical conflict, not only to help local survivors but also to support other rescue and aid workers and military peacekeepers, as needed.
We would like more psychologists to be on site when needed and to have them train indigenous practitioners in the use of the most appropriate psychological techniques to help their afflicted compatriots. Eventually, we should also intervene to help resettled survivors to adapt to their new milieux; but the Initiative has not yet addressed this issue. The major ongoing activities of the Initiative at this time revolve around practical applications. This summer will see both a conference chaired by Ron Fisher on how to train psychologists to provide services in situations of ethnopolitical conflict and the first training session of the newly established Solomon Asch Center at the University of Pennsylvania, whose mission is to provide postdoctoral training to psychologists who want to enter this new branch of the profession.
Canadian psychologists are urged to participate; I can give you the Internet address after this talk. Conclusion At this convention, we are dedicated to facing the past and the future. But we can face them only in memory and in imagination, because where we live is in the present. The Holocaust, now more than fifty years in the past, reverberates in our present, in the memory of thousands of survivors, perpetrators, bystanders, and rescuers and in a massive archive of documentary and fictional publications, films, artworks, and television shows.
Unfortunately, the Holocaust also foreshadowed the more recent past, and the present, in its embodiment of groundless hatred, pitiless persecution, pointless degradation, and endless killing. Although not of the same level of technical organization or sheer magnitude, the killing fields of Cambodia, Tibet, Viet Nam, Somalia, Rwanda, and the former Yugoslavia all echo the horrors of the Nazi enterprise.
No one knows where else, and who else, will see the same horrors in the future, but we can be fairly sure it won't stop with Kosovo. Psychology is not a panacea. The power is connected to that which is visible and s w. The w.
Transnational Memory Spaces in the Making: World War II and Holocaust Remembrance in Vienna
In this book, we mostly prefer to use the term Holocaust, w. In her chapter, she ww describes how they did not know what to make of their experiences until much, m. They were silent — silenced as if by consensus. What gave them hg s tongue was first a film made in by one of their children and then an w. Their m long silence was both a part of a larger silencing suppressing the horrors of.
This, incidentally, ww m they had in common with many of the children who were saved, such as the. Fern Schumer hg s w. In other words, she s w. The film acted as a ww first catalyst in activating their memories. Finally being able to come together, m. Lena Inowlocki describes and discusses ate hg how, when interviewing the older generation of former Jewish Displaced s w. The need to ate hg intervene, she convincingly argues, reflects a need to share and exchange bits of s w.
This need finds very different sh w. However, somewhat paradoxically, hg s w. The fact that extreme forms of ethno-nationalism ww m and prejudice in Poland clash with new, pluralistic, and positive conceptions of. Who were the victors, who were the victims, who lost what, m and who are we, they seem to ask. They find the answers in strikingly iconic.
That Russians hg s w. Yet they are also Jews, and they are no longer in Russia but immigrants in w. Refusing to recognize that ate hg their families were persecuted as Jews in Russia, their identification with Russian s w. This situation is full of paradoxes that they carefully.
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For these s w. Their war m is on now, and the Holocaust informs the ways in which this war is understood. To m co te. Reversing the w. Their activism is also based on hg s w. The processes of restitution initiated and s w. The ww m restitution payments come from Austria, while the interviews are carried through. The hg s w. In the context of this volume, Immler provides a case study ate hg that excellently demonstrates the links — and the gaps — between politics of s w.
As the case study shows, the. She questions te ga sh and explores the realities behind the hegemonic narrative of the Jewish helpless w. Asking new s w. Bak goes behind the memory as ww m myth that alleviates the guilt of the Danish nation, and presents a more realistic. In this way, she manages to investigate m.
Challenging the ww hegemonic narrative that renders the Finnish nation free of guilt, he shows how m co te. Despite the partnership with ga sh National Socialist Germany in the war against the Soviet Union in —, w. The topic has, ate however, recently attracted interest and discussion in Finland.
In his chapter, hg s w. He also turns ww m his attention to the first Swedish reactions when they were confronted with the. By providing this diachronic perspective on ww the development of memory culture within a national framework, he illustrates m. Silence m. Characteristic of silence is that ate hg it becomes a social phenomenon only when it no longer exists.
Paradoxically, s w. According to Levin, there are two major forms of silence — in. In ordinary life events hg s we experience silence when we cannot talk about certain experiences because w. Silence can also be immanent and unexpressed m. To ate hg discuss silence in extraordinary experiences, Levin uses an example from the s w. Notable in the context of this volume are discussions ww about the relative importance of narrative or verbalized memory versus memory m.
Our understanding of memory builds on these achievements and w. While the rising m. This managing is closely related to identity politics, hg s w. Hoskins does not elaborate on m. In asking what memory actively does, or how memory matters, this s w. Hirsch and Spitzer The contributions that follow show.
Juxtaposing the different answers w. On an even more general level, we ate hg may come closer to investigating how memories of traumatic events continue s w. These authors argue that comparison between objects that have co te. As the different contributions of this volume illustrate, m co te. This applies w. A conceptual and ww m empirical framework for the social distribution of cognition: the case of.
Cognitive Systems Research 9 1—2 : 33— Mind and nature: a necessary unity. London, Wildwood House. Steps to an ecology of mind. Chicago: University of m. The Psychic Life of Power. Stanford: Stanford University Press. In The Future: Columbia Records. How societies remember.
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Cambridge, Cambridge University. Beyond the Holocaust: A mother—daughter journey to ww reclaim the past. New York: Penguin.
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The Holocaust industry: reflections on the exploitation of Jewish te ga sh suffering. London, Verso w. Volume 1. Paris: m. Nationalism and the Israeli State. Oxford: Berg. Memory Studies 2 2 : — From collective memory to memory systems. Memory Studies hg s 4 2 : — How Does It Work? What Do We Learn? New s w. Landscapes of Memory. New York: The Feminist Press. New York: The co te. Power and the past: collective memory and ww international relations. Georgetown University Press. Levin, I. Taushetens tale [Silence talking]. Nytt norsk tidsskrift, 18, 3 : ga sh — Rappana Olsen. Oslo: Gyldendal akademiske forlag.
Selected Papers, hg s edited by A. Chicago: Phoenix Books.
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The lost: a search for six of six million. Scranton: HarperCollins.
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On Complexity. Creskill, NJ: Hampton Press. The Holocaust in American Life. Boston: Houghton Mifflin s w. Memory, power and resistance: The anatomy of a tripartite. Memory Studies 4 2 : — The Everyday World as Problematic. Complexity theory, systems theory, and multiple intersecting ate hg social inequalities. Philosophy of the Social Sciences, 37 4 : — Transactive memory: A contemporary analysis of the group m mind, in Theories of group behavior, edited by B.
Mullen and G.