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It is surely an excellent book. Glenn, The Review of Politics. Also of Interest More from this Author. National Determinants of Collective Action. John Waterbury. The Surprising History of a Modest Bread. Maria Balinska. Malady or Myth? Chris R. Malcolm Barber. Its Political Use in the Twentieth Century. Leo Kuper.
Jeffrey C. Because the book is structured as a broad historical survey of the relationship between the U. A sharper focus would have permitted a more powerful analysis. But this short- coming detracts only slightly from what is otherwise a valuable contribution that is sure to become a key reference point in the study of inter-American relations. By William Bernhard. The literature on central banking has expanded dramatically in recent years. Central banks have been cut, sliced, and examined by journalists, policymakers, economists, political scientists, and even watchdog groups in a variety of ways.
This is a book that will be widely read and cited in studies of central banking and com- parative and international political economy. Why did some industrial countries have independent central banks while others had dependent central banks in the s and s? What explains such cross- national variations? In a country such as Germany with arguably the highest level of central bank independence, why have politicians remained committed to an independent Bundesbank? What accounts for the wave of central bank reforms in the late s and s?
What explains the differences in the timing of central bank reforms in countries such as Italy and Britain? Why were European politi- cians so committed to the single currency and one European central bank? Bern- hard addresses these related and distinct questions in his book. In a three-player government, central bank bureaucrat, and legislator , asym- metric information, sequential game, the problem is that the government may have an incentive to manage monetary policy in ways that are not in the best interest of party legislators or coalition partners.
Moreover, the government, together with the central bank, is better informed than the legislator about how monetary policy relates to economic outcomes. The problem leads to intra-party conflict that reduces the chance of the party to win elections and stay in office. The comparative static result compares two scenarios, one in which the central bank is dependent on the government and the other in which the central bank is independent of the government.
Intra-party conflict is reduced if the government and the legislator share the same policy preference ordering, regardless of central bank independence, or if the central bank is independent of the government and the central bank and the legislator share the same policy objectives. The sequen- tial equilibrium results suggest a wide range of testable implications.
The choice of an independent central bank is most likely when the government possesses policy incentives that differ from party legislators and coalition partners and when those back-bench legislators or coalition partners can punish the government. The threat of a legislative veto over the government appears to ensure that the gov- ernment remains committed to an independent central bank and an independent central bank serves to quench the suspicions of the legislator about the govern- ment. In contrast, when system-wide external conditions such as rising economic openness cause policy preferences to become more divergent within parties across countries, a widespread move- ment toward more independent central banks can be expected.
Bernhard tests these empirical expectations in a series of historical and statistical analyses. The book is appealing and important in a number of ways. The intra-party con- flict theory links political parties to central bank independence, accounting for a wide range of empirical regularities. It is theoretically novel, logically consistent, and empirically powerful.
Bernhard also conducts a pioneer analysis that accounts for the choice of central bank independence, an area that remains extremely underexplored. Without understanding the political causes of central bank inde- pendence, institutional reforms that seek to strengthen the central bank are unlikely to occur or sustain. Shedding light on the political causal mechanism, the book has important policy significance. The conclusion that the central bank, even if independent, can be held accountable spells goods news for democracy, removing concerns over the democratic deficit of delegating authority to secre- tive technocratic central bankers.
Last but not least, Bernhard offers an exem- plary scholarly work that integrates formal modeling, rich historical cases, and statistical analysis, which makes it suitable for graduate courses in comparative and international political economy. While Bernhard argues his theory also explains the timing of central bank reforms, the time element is missing from the formal model and empirical evi- dence is not marshaled in a convincing manner.
The Italian reform appeared to be motivated by intra-party conflict as much as it was by inter-party competition between the Communist Party and the Christian Democrats. The British case was consistent with the theory, but it may suffer from case selection bias. A more systematic empirical analysis seems to be in order. Table 9 lists 10 reform episodes for only a small sample of countries More definitive evidence can be expected if the intra-party conflict explanation as well as the partisanship and the political business cycle theories are tested simultaneously on all reform events.
Theoretically, it remains vague how the intra-party conflict explanation for cross-national differences in central bank independence relates to alternative causal theories that focus on inter-party competition and interest groups. Empir- ical results in Table 3 offer no definitive evidence against the partisanship theory, given the crude measurement of partisanship Financial sector strength is statistically significant, and its effect is argued away statistically, not theoretically. In a sense, the intra-party conflict explanation may be as potent an alternative as the others.
Perhaps it is possible to theorize in a way that integrates the intra- party conflict theory with the alternatives into an integrated causal model. The statistical effect of central bank independence on cabinet durability appears weak in Table 8 According to the argu- ment in Chapter 6, rising economic openness across industrial democracies causes greater intra-party conflict over monetary policy, which decreases cabinet durability, which in turn leads many governments to reform to raise central bank independence, which ends up increasing cabinet durability.
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Following this causal mechanism, both central bank independence and cabinet durability are endoge- nous. They should be modeled simultaneously rather than in a single equation model framework. By Amie Kreppel. New York: Cambridge University Press, Her study is timely as well, given the dra- matic change in the balance of power within the European Union EU over the last 15 years, which have seen the EP move from the sidelines of the legislative process to become an actor with more co-equal authority alongside the Council and Commission.
This work sheds much needed light on the implications of this accretion of power for the inner workings of the EP and the legislative process of the EU as a whole. The theoretical framework adapts models of the American congressional system e. The macro model essentially predicts that the timing of institutional change will follow chronolog- ically from exogenous change. The micro model tracks the substance of reform and predicts an emphasis on collective goods while the EP lacks legislative input.
How have external increases in legislative authority translated into internal reforms? Her findings point to a parliament that is more rule-based, internally centralized, and ideologically moderate. Then again, a few things have not changed. Most important, Kreppel finds ample evidence that national dele- gations still control internal leadership positions and committee assignments — Perhaps the most impressive feature of the book is the high bar that is set for methodological rigor and a research design based on multiple streams of data.
While the evidence offers convincing support for her macro-micro model, Kreppel does not shrink from pointing out where the model falls short and where there are gaps in the data. The affinity with the Ameri- can congressional literature places it comfortably within the camp of Rational Choice institutionalism, yet Kreppel says little about how alternative institution- alisms might offer competing or complementary explanations. In addition, she omits any consideration of Sociological institutionalism SI and more culturalist approaches that would highlight the role of informal norms and social constructs in accounting for the character of internal reform.
Did individual members per- ceive certain obligations in addition to calculating benefits and consequences as their legislative power and visibility in the public eye increased? This book will no doubt become standard reading by EU scholars as well as theoretically minded comparativists interested in the evolution of legislative systems. By Tareq Y. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, Edited by Raymond Hinnebusch and Anoushiravan Ehteshami. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, Tareq Ismael presents us with an ambitious project.
The difficulty that readers may face is discovering the primary thrust of the book in the massive quantity of information provided. An important theme raised early, though, is the link between the birth of Arab nationalism and the rise of Islam. This has important implications for secular and Christian Arabs in their struggle for Arab nation- hood, something that goes without mention.
The author does note that during the Islamic era, civil society was granted a great deal of freedom Through the case studies the fact that such freedom has all but vanished in the region cannot slip by without notice. The extent to which this pattern first developed during the post-Ottoman period is not debatable, but the extent to which oppression has been perfected by Arab leaders is beyond debate too. Absent from the discussion of the Iranian Islamic Revolution is serious dis- cussion of those who operate in the bazaars. They played a crucial role in the fall of the shah, and their role is critical if a viable civil society is to take hold in Iran.
It was at this point in Iranian history that a true civil society had an opportunity to develop, but was prevented from doing so by Khomeini and his followers. Today, fledg- ling political movements including students and women and the press play a crucial role in laying the groundwork for civil society in Iran. Lebanon certainly has numerous factions and patterns that merit in-depth exploration, even if the groups themselves fail to rise to the status of contribu- tors to civil society.
Militias are hardly a substitute for social movements, political parties, and pro- fessional organizations. Instead, great attention is paid to the rise of the far right. Although Palestine has not yet gained recognition as an independent state, the first intifadah was certainly evidence of the role that groups can play in an attempt to link the people to a dreamed-of government. Neighborhood and block com- mittees, religious groups, political movements—all contributed to the prepara- tion for a viable civil society in the Middle East.
A chapter on Palestine would have been welcome. Gulf Cooperation Council members are grouped into one chapter, but the chapter has the advantage of a strong section on civil society, with discussion on religious associations, professional organizations, and other social and opposi- tion groups.
A question arises: What will happen to the development of civil society, or alternatively, what role will civil society play, when the oil revenue disappears? The strongest chapter in the book regarding the political space filled by groups is the final chapter—on Egypt. The author sets the tone in his discussion of groups in the s and s. That is an appropriate concluding statement about most of the region. The reader is left to discern the conclusion, though. The book presents a strong general overview of the Middle East and would be a useful introductory text.
Many Middle Eastern leaders may have to contend with revolts if they stray too far from the will of the street. The new, or aspiring, leaders of the region sons who have succeeded or may succeed their fathers raise numerous questions. Will the effect be further moderation of foreign policies because of implied legitimacy and credibility? Or will the new generation of leaders even- tually have to radicalize their foreign policies to maintain or create legitimacy? Young leaders in precarious positions may ultimately act in unpredictable and destabilizing ways, threatening at least the traditional realist model.
It would not have been surprising to see those sur- viving revolutionaries challenge the arrogant Sadat more aggressively. Actions eventually sealed his fate. Its similarity to other Arab states is most apparent through its elite-dominated policy making. What separates it from many of its neighbors is its strategic location. Like many Arab states it sought unification, but not necessarily under any pan-Arab ideology; rather, it was in response to imperial-inspired division.
Speculating how the foreign policies of two separate Yemens would differ from each other if the divi- sion were present today is an interesting exercise. Yemen found itself with a rather divided leadership, to say nothing of the citi- zenry. The U. No state has undergone more of a change in approach to foreign policy than Iran. Anoushiravan Ehteshami notes the importance of identity and role for the Islamic Republic. This is clearly a case of where you stand depending on where you sit ideologically. Revisionism is alive and well under Khatami, but it may be his successor who will truly create an Iranian policy that breaks from an ideo- logical framework.
Ultimately, the foreign policies of ten states are addressed. Such a formula gives this book an edge over many edited, and even single author, works. Other contributors include Clive Jones on Israel and F. This is a good introduction to the topic and endnotes will direct those who have an interest to additional reading. Charts and graphs that looked at military expenditures over time, demographics, trade, and foreign assistance would have helped create the context for a given country and the region. A chapter on the Arab League and an appendix of supporting documents would also have been beneficial, though the latter are certainly accessible.
The opening chapter may be a daunting read for those without a strong back- ground in international relations; the case studies are much more approachable. The book, therefore, would be useful in either a Middle Eastern politics or a com- parative foreign policy course. Timothy J. By Fabrice E. New York: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, This book provides a detailed case study of electoral processes in the small Central American country of Costa Rica during the first half of the twentieth century, a period when electoral fraud remained a persistent problem, and yet regular and successful efforts were made to reform the system.
The authors state that they have three goals, in increasing order of specificity. The first is to sys- tematically study the phenomenon of electoral fraud itself, which has yet to be given much empirical attention in the Latin American historical context. The second is to explain how specific types of electoral reform e.
Third, they wish to gain a better understanding of why some incumbent politicians seem willing to back electoral reforms that reduce their ability to use fraud to their own personal advantage. In attempting to answer the third of these questions, Lehoucq and Molina rely on an institutional account that stresses the fact that presidents appear to have reformed fraud-producing electoral systems when they found such legal change useful for promoting their political agenda in other ways, such as through the reduction of electoral uncertainty.
At its heart, their analysis of executive and leg- islative behavior is under-girded by the rational choice assumptions of game theory that Latin Americanists have come to associate with scholars such as Barbara Geddes. Lehoucq and Molina provide an impressive array of tables ana- lyzing various aspects of these data. They devote considerable attention to ana- lyzing the shifting geographic distribution of fraud and its impact as it moved over time from the rural periphery to the urban center of the country.
In attempt- ing to explain this movement, they reject the sociological determinism of those who view it as having been an inevitable result of such factors as increasing urbanization. Most contemporary empirical studies of Costa Rican politics conclude that these reforms were the result of much broader noninstitutional changes taking place at the regional and local levels. During the period under discussion, we not only see the international diffusion of ideas concerning democratic governance but also the simultaneous creation of new urban middle classes—classes that may have been more receptive to these ideas.
One of the most striking things about Costa Rican politics from a regional comparative perspective is that the process of electoral reform, which resulted in a reduction of fraud in early twentieth-century Costa Rican politics, began at a time when the country had much higher levels of voter participation and much lower levels of fraud than existed elsewhere in Central America.
As many schol- ars have pointed out, this strongly suggests that there were probably nineteenth- century pre-conditions that made the process of institutionally fine-tuning reforms in the next century possible. This is a work of considerable sophistication and underlying methodological rigor that should appeal to a broad cross-section of scholars in the field of compara- tive electoral politics.
Steve C. Edited by Scott Morgenstern and Benito Nacif. Conventional wisdom has long held that the executive is all-powerful in Latin America. Legislatures have generally had no more than a rubber-stamp function, the story goes, and when they have sought to assert themselves in the policy process, presidents have simply invoked their extraordinary constitutional powers to impose their policy preferences. The authors of this volume challenge these views through close empirical analyses of legislative behavior in four cases: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico.
While none denies that the executive enjoys a dominant, and potentially excessive, role in the policy-making process in these countries, they demonstrate collectively that legislatures are far from irrelevant. The particular role that legislatures play in the policy process, however, depends on a host of institutional, contextual, and conjunctural factors.
The book is anchored in rational choice institutionalism, and the authors speak primarily, if not exclusively, to debates over how formal institutions structure the behavior of individual politicians. Specifically, the authors seek to test assump- tions behind work on the U. Congress, as well as earlier theories on how par- ticular institutions e. The results, particularly when com- pared across cases, demonstrate important limits to general theorizing on insti- tutions. Institutions do matter, the authors argue, but they matter in different ways in different times and places.
Not only do particular institutional rules electoral laws, for example interact with a variety of other institutional arrangements that are not constant across cases e. The book begins with a strong introductory chapter by Scott Morgenstern.
He emphasizes that even the most basic assumption behind much work on the U. Congress, namely that legislators always have the primary goal of reelection, cannot hold in Latin America where reelection rates are often very low. More- over, Latin American legislators function in institutional settings and within party alignments that are vastly different from the United States, meaning that even though the general assumption of individual ambition holds for Latin American and U.
The case studies in the book help to identify, then, what those specific goals and strategies are and explain their origins. The case studies are organized into three sections of four chapters each one on each of the focus countries. The first section offers articles on executive- legislative relations, the second on political parties and legislative structure, and the third on the role of legislatures in specific policy processes.
This provided a more complete picture of how and why the legislatures functioned as they did in each case, in turn facilitating comparison across countries.
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I cannot do justice to these twelve rich and generally highly readable case studies in this short space. Instead of treating them individually, then, I attempt here simply to summarize the general insights they offer. Above all, the cases demonstrate that the key to relative legislative strength is the institutionaliza- tion of the legislature, which results when congressional representatives have the time and motivation to develop policy expertise Thanks to the high poten- tial for reelection in Chile, for example, politicians can hope to make careers in the legislature, and their extended stays in office render congressional com- mittees sites of important policy expertise and experience Carey, Londregan, and Siavelis chapters.
In Mexico, where reelection is prohibited, and in Argentina and Brazil, where rates of reelection are relatively low, congressional represen- tatives have little incentive to cultivate policy expertise. Instead, they seek to secure future political posts for themselves outside of the national congress, either by bringing back pork to subnational powerholders, as in Brazil and Argentina, or by serving as a faithful agents of the president and head of the party, as in Mexico Casar, Eaton, Jones, Mustapic, Nacif, Samuels, and Weldon chapters.
This might imply that stronger legislatures could be built simply by allowing or encouraging reelection to congress in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico. However, the authors highlight a variety of factors that contribute to the behavior of legis- lators, only one of which is their expected time in office. Once again, Chile stands out with its broad spectrum of highly institutionalized, policy-oriented political parties While parties have and will adjust to different incentives offered by the electoral system, it is clear that the ways in which they organize them- selves and do business are determined by a number of variables, most of which are not amenable to institutional engineering.
The authors of this book are committed to the objective of building general theory, and they take a clear and important step toward that goal. The best of the essays that is, most of them draw on detailed case knowledge, not all of it easily quantifiable, to test established assumptions and hypotheses in both the Ameri- can and comparative politics literature. Most of these do not hold up well. Indeed, the book should be required reading for all serious scholars of comparative politics.
Nietzsche's Task: An Interpretation of Beyond Good and Evil
By Zoltan Barany. It is an extremely rare occasion when a social scientist embraces the literature and research approaches of many different disciplines in a clear, concise, and well-crafted fashion. In this book, Zoltan Barany weaves a rich tapestry of polit- ical science, geography, political history, political economy, anthropology, soci- ology, and comparative Eastern European studies with ethnic and racial studies to examine, evaluate, and tease out policy implications for the historically mar- ginalized Roma or Gypsy Peoples of Eastern Europe.
Utilizing a comparativist framework, he documents the seemingly intransient placement of Roma at the very bottom of social, political, economic, cultural, and racial hierarchies regard- less of regime structure and despite the post-communist institutions. The essential question he addresses is the extent to which the multiple regime changes in the post-communist era have had an impact on Roma social, eco- nomic, and political status.
Lacking reliable data sources traditionally utilized to examine the multiple determinants of marginality, he aggregates in-depth inter- views and utilizes judicious decision-making skills while cross-referencing sources to eliminate possible inaccuracies. The payoff is the most rigorously researched work to date on Roma marginalities. His analyses begin with an assessment of the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires and evolve to focus on seven contemporary nation states: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Macedonia, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia.
He gives par- ticular attention to governmental institutions and their relationships and policies toward minorities.
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The early chapters provide a comprehensive overview of various regime types while cataloguing the conditional variables constituting state policies toward minority group members. The multiple endogenous and exogenous sources of political marginality are summarized in order to develop a profile of gypsy mar- ginality appropriate for the time-span of the analyses.
Like comparable studies addressing marginalized populations in the United States, Barany examines ethnic political mobilizations, linking them to the almost universal condition of relative deprivation and political exclusion responsible for political mobilization and collective action.
The core historical and socioeconomic documentation of Roma marginality emanates from the imperial age, and the geographical areas studied remain relatively intact today. Most scholars are not aware that Roma were considered by the Nazis as one of the lowest caste of prisoners. The esti- mates of gypsy holocaust victims ranges from , to 1,, and repre- sents another major tragedy Roma encountered—but it also illustrates their marginality and the extremely poor data available on Roma populations.
Utilizing interview data and content analyses of official policies, Barany masterfully illustrates the magnitude of changes in social and economic conditions of Eastern European Roma from the mids until the late s. The descriptive assessments make the argu- ment that Roma enjoyed significant improvements. While they remained in the bottom socioeconomic ranks, Roma had benefited from full employment, free education and health care, and the other state-supported policies. But what are the trade-offs associated with the acquired benefits?
Were the requisite resources available for gypsy leaders and political spokespersons to mobilize Roma interests? This is only one of a few instances where Barany should have offered additional analyses. I wish he had addressed the above attributes while linking them to the contemporary racial construction theories like those of Omni and Winant Racial Construction in the United States, The remaining task addressed is the evaluation of the extent to which demo- cratic reforms save the day, promote socioeconomic improvement, and enhance the dismal state of interethnic relations in Eastern Europe.
Global urbanization and the accompanying population migrations have reconfigured the geographic location of marginalized populations including the Roma. A thoughtful discus- sion of the implications of these macro-level modifications and the impact of emerging democracies appears in the final chapters. Barany details the lack of socioeconomic advancement associated with the introduction of democratic regimes while also noting that even with the emergence of international non- governmental organizations, the development of Roma-based political parties, and limited Roma political mobilization, public opinion polls indicate the con- tinuance of extremely negative attitudes toward Roma in Eastern Europe.
Overt statements of hatred and discrimination against Roma remain commonplace, and there are no indicators of concerted efforts to eradicate the dismal status of Roma existence. His suggestions for a long-term program of Romani integration for Eastern European governments have some utility, although limited generalizability, for scholars studying other marginalized and mobile populations. Still, kudos are due to Zoltan Barany for his groundbreaking research, pioneering scholarship, and unwavering commitment to rigorous analyses of the Eastern European Roma.
John G. By Franke Wilmer. The empirical sections are based on lengthy fieldwork in several of the former Yugoslav Republics, where Franke Wilmer con- ducted interviews with citizens from a range of ethnic groups and social classes. The empirical sections are accompanied by an extended and richly textured the- oretical analysis. In answering these questions, Wilmer empha- sizes the importance of ethnically charged propaganda, advanced by demagogic leaders, who sought to advance their own political agendas. It was this elite prop- agandizing, Wilmer argues, that caused ordinary citizens to set aside traditions of ethnic pluralism and opt for war.
Several other factors are discussed in addition to propaganda. Wilmer consid- ers the history of ethnic competition in Yugoslavia, including the bloodshed that accompanied the Nazi occupation of Yugoslavia during World War II when Croatia formed a Nazi puppet state that persecuted Serbs, as well as the Partisan revenge against Nazi collaborators after the war. She also discusses popular ethnic stereotypes that emerged in her interviews e.
Wilmer repeatedly returns to the theme of nationalist propaganda as the deci- sive variable, which counteracted traditions of ethnic tolerance and triggered vio- lence. In Yugoslavia, it was propaganda that played a key role in the par- ticular type of social construction that led to rape, pillage, and murder.
This is an intelligent study on a vital subject. The theoretical sweep of the book is impressive, with a wide survey of literature in contructivist theory as well as excursions into realism, feminism, postmodernism, and psychoanalysis. For the most part, Wilmer presents a reasonably balanced account of the Yugoslav conflict and avoids the excessive Serb bashing that mars many studies in this area.
There are two basic flaws with the book. First, psychological variables are overemphasized and narrowly constructed. Wilmer neglects the economic and material variables that influence the cognitive processes she describes: in the case of Yugoslavia, the economy underwent a massive economic deterioration, begin- ning with a debt crisis during the late s.
The years preceding the breakup of the country and the initiation of war were ones of extreme economic deprivation, comparable in scale to the Great Depression of the s. Given these condi- tions, it is no wonder that the population was so susceptible to nationalist prop- aganda. Other important cases of nationalist extremism, such as Nazi Germany and Rwanda in , were also preceded by severe economic downturns. Yet, Wilmer provides no significant discussion of these economic factors. David N. By Kurt M. Thurmaier and Katherine G.
Armonk, NY: M. Sharpe, Given the large sums involved in carrying out state government operations, it is perplexing that few studies have explored budgetary decision making at the state level. What studies exist tend to focus on macro- level issues. Kurt M. Their book is an important first step in filling this gap in knowledge. Thurmaier and Willoughby examine the decision processes of budget examin- ers working in executive budget offices.
To do this they interviewed budget officers in 11 states. This approach separates their research from most state budg- eting studies because it analyzes detailed information from multiple states. As a result, they are able to make valid generalizations while providing a high level of specificity that brings a sense of realism to the analysis and fills important holes, particularly regarding deviations to general rules.
The crux of the book is a model relating budget office orientations to roles played and rationalities employed by budget examiners and how this relationship affects the recommendations that examiners make. The book classifies state budg- eting offices as having two major orientations. Examiners in control-oriented officers tend to be far removed from policy issues. Policy-oriented offices, in contrast, are concerned with the policy impli- cations of the budget recommendations they make to their governors.
Thurmaier and Willoughby find that the more levels of hierarchy separating examiners from the governor, the less policy-oriented an office tends to be. Of course, the degree to which any budget office fits within either a control or policy orientation varies by state. Thurmaier and Willoughby show that office orientation affects examiners in two important ways.
First, in policy-oriented agencies the roles examiners play with their respective agencies is less adversarial and more focused on helping agencies meet the policy goals of the governor. Second, the rationalities used by examiners to make budget recommendations is affected by office orientation. Examiners in control-oriented offices rely heavily upon economic and technical rationalities that are centered on selecting the means that maximize given ends.
Social, political, and legal rationalities, which are more concerned with end values, are utilized to a larger degree by policy-oriented examiners. Thurmaier and Willoughby argue that these factors play a large role in shaping the types of budget recommendations made by examiners. Overall, the book makes a valuable contribution. It should be of great interest to both scholars and practitioners involved in the study and practice of public budgeting, public administration, or policy analysis.
The literature review alone, especially as it pertains to scholarship on state budgeting, makes it worth a space on the bookshelf. More broadly, the book offers a theoretical frame- work for decision making that is likely to be more useful for practitioners than the macro-level theories that are traditionally taught. The biggest shortcoming of the book is that it says little about the impact exam- iner recommendations have upon final appropriations. There is some mention of the relative influence policy- versus control-oriented agencies have upon guber- natorial recommendations to the legislature, but no discussion of how the differ- ent orientations affect final outcomes.
Does having a policy-oriented budget office help the governor pass his or her policy preferences?
If not, then why does the orientation of the budget office matter? Despite not answering these questions, Thurmaier and Willoughby provide an important foundation for others to build upon in order to increase our understanding of state budgeting. James W. Edited by W. Lance Bennett and Robert M. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Selected readings would also work well in classes emphasizing those themes, especially Robert M. Lance Bennett and Jarol B. Both themes relate to the type of political information provided and the norm building and identity creation that the media could do.
While these two themes are prominent in prior literature, this volume shows how the future of democracy is affected by new media. Diverse methodologies—quanti- tative, qualitative, and theoretical— underlie these works. Russell Neuman, provides a theoretical basis for understanding the role of the media in the creation or destruction of a sense of community and identity.
These concepts are social cohesion, fragmentation, stratification, and polarization. It is this work, however, combined with the work on segmenta- tion and targeting which may promote isolation and separation that gives cause for concern. The new media and new research methodologies make it easier to target certain audiences. Gandy says the theory behind the public sphere requires that discussion and debate be inclusive. Rahn and Thomas J. Rudolph, adds a global dimension to the fragmentation argu- ment.
Rahn and Rudolph note that a sense of national identity must exist for com- pliance with basic norms and rules for living in a democracy. They find that access to the Internet correlates with a weakened sense of nationalism but interestingly, more support for more global nation-states such as the European Union. More study is needed, they note, to understand how supranational organizations might inspire more loyalty. The second theme deals with the type of information the media provide. Do the media consider members of the public citizens or consumers?
He predicts that even in an era of multiplicity of news sources that political figures will continue to use the media to communi- cate with each other. The theme is further explored in chapters about the differ- ence between entertainment and news if any such as that by Michael X. Delli Carpini and Bruce A. Not really mentioned in the volume is how the public journalism movement might be used to encourage the public sphere and build future political partici- pation. While this movement has been criticized by members of the media, there is still reason to believe that the media, and especially new media, can play an important role in informing citizens in a much more proactive manner.
Such work in building the public sphere, especially among the young, bodes well for the development of a sense of community or identity that may encourage political participation so needed for the future of democracy. Also little mentioned is the role of public broadcasting. Given the fact that the younger audi- ences do watch local news Graber , public broadcasting stations increasingly the only locally owned media remaining should play a significant role in build- ing community among younger individuals. By Tali Mendelberg. Mendelberg uses histori- cal studies of racial politics, communication analysis, national survey data, exper- iments, and content analysis of the news coverage of the presidential campaign to develop and test her argument about the effectiveness of racial appeals in mobilizing white voters.
From a historical perspective, Mendelberg delineates a theory of racial appeals and explores the use of explicit racial appeals within the American party system as racial norms changed from the nineteenth century to the contemporary period. She examines in detail implicit racial appeals and how they are conveyed by the news media. She finds that implicit messages are more effective than explicit messages or nonracial messages. Mendelberg argues that racial appeals are the result of a party system shaped by racial conflict.
Implicit racial messages emerge when a society renounces racism and, through political struggles, accepts the norm of racial equality. The norm of racial equality does not mean, however, an end to racial conflict or a repudiation of racial stereotypes. Its overtures to African-American voters are largely symbolic; designed to avoid the racist label and to win the support of moderate whites.
Implicit appeals lose their effectiveness once they are challenged and made explicit. Relying on studies of racial politics, Mendelberg asserts that Democratic candidates do not challenge Republican racial appeals for fear of being viewed as candidates for African Americans.
Democrats are able to get away with this because they are not challenged by African American political elites. Mendelberg offers two strategies to defeat implicit racial appeals.